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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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as envisaged in the White Paper, be in fact established when the entire
Press in Poland is under the control of the Moscow-sponsored Lublin Govern-
ment, when people have no means of listening to free and independent
broadcasts, and when no Pole in Poland is free to express a view except
in one direction ?
The White Paper says that only democratic and anti-Nazi parties may
take part in the election, and put forward candidates. What is the exact
meaning of a qualification like that when,, for example General B6r and
members of the Polish underground forces, whose heroic struggle against
the Germans in Warsaw will live for all time, are now accused of being pro-
Nazi for no other reason than that they do not share the political views of
those Poles and others who constitute the Lublin Government. I appreciate
the grave complexity of the Polish problem., but I suggest that, instead of
setting up a Provisional Government of National Unity as envisaged in the
White Paper, it would be far better that both the legitimate Government
here in London and the Lublin Government in Poland should surrender
all their functions and authority to an international commission which should
govern Poland until and during the elections, by which the Polish people
would choose a Government for themselves. This would constitute a
definite guarantee that the elections would be free and unfettered.
But whether that course were followed or whether our Government
insists upon the exceedingly doubtful procedure outlined in the White
Paper, other Members of this House besides myself believe that the following
seven requirements are essential if Poland is to receive from the Allies the
just treatment which is her right. Firstly, that all deportations from the
whole territory of Poland should now cease, that all Polish subjects who have
either being deported from or who have left any part of Poland should be
entitled to return as soon as possible, and that those who are in concentration
camps should be released. Secondly, that any decree or such like which
could prevent the free exercise of political rights should be rescinded,
and that as a token of good faith there should be no exercise of influence
by either Russian troops or civilians, and that the N.K.V.D. should be
withdrawn. Thirdly, that if the elections are to mean anything, then,
subject, of course, to the military censorship necessary to preserve security
until Germany is defeated, freedom of speech and of the Press and the right
to hold meetings and to broadcast on the wireless should be restored at
once. Fourthly, that only persons of Polish nationality—that is to say,
people who were Polish subjects before September, 1939, or those who
would have been entitled to political rights had the war not taken place—
should be entitled to be candidates or to vote. Fifthly, that it is essential
that the elections should be conducted under the supervision of a neutral,
or alternatively, an inter-Allied, Commission, which should be established
at once, and that from the time of such establishment order should be
maintained by mixed garrisons of inter-Allied troops. Sixthly, that all
the members of the armed forces of the Polish Republic serving outside
Poland should be entitled to vote in the same way as our own British
Forces will be entitled to vote in our own elections, either directly if that is
possible or alternatively by postal ballot. Lastly, that foreign Press corres-
pondents should be admitted into Poland without delay, and without the
imposition of any political restrictions. Those, I believe, are the minimum
requirements if the Polish elections as envisaged in the Crimea Report are
not to be a mockery.
^ In conclusion, I want to tell the House of an incident which is not without
significance. Last week, a discussion took place in a certain British officers'
mess. At the end of it a young and exceedingly brilliant officer said this :